Gian Carlo Caselli Le leggi “ad personam” hanno imbarbarito il sistema violando i principi fondamentali dell'ordinamento ma non sono servite a granché. L’ossessione del premier per i suoi processi non si è calmata, e poco sollievo gli è venuto dall’incessante azione di illustri avvocati che intrecciano la difesa privata con responsabilità istituzionali. Meglio lasciare da parte l’accetta che trancia di netto i delitti più “rischiosi”. Persino un’opinione pubblica assuefatta e ipnotizzata potrebbe a un certo punto svegliarsi. Invece delle brutali leggi “ad personam” si possono imboccare strade più elusive ma non meno efficaci. Per esempio qualche constitutional amendment allowing the government to influence the judiciary or even to give directions.
Exactly this is the situation that will come with the so-called reform of the justice (soberly called epoch-making ...) and the Council of Ministers has in the pipeline. Director of business was a knight / president at the same time is charged in various processes. An oxymoron? Maybe, but above all a way to settle accounts with this judicial coup d'état and subversive that continues to cultivate an absurd claim: even the prime minister to account for their actions or omissions that arise in contrast to the criminal law. But even apart (and can not) by judicial proceedings of the premier and his anxieties, it is clear firstly that it is not a reform of Justice (the inefficiency of the system will remain as is), but the attempt to rid the political power from the hassle of having to do with the judiciary independent .
is also impossible to ignore a fact: our - unfortunately - is still a country with a very strong rate of illegality which includes an appalling corruption, collusion and complicity with the Mafia widespread, serious incidents of bad administration and assorted phenomena of ill repute. Almost always there are significant pieces of policy involved in these events, which allow for them (as will happen with the pseudo-reform of Justice) to steer the judiciary in a way that would agree with them more deadly: for the equality of citizens before the law and the credibility of our democracy.
In other words, with pseudo-reform can give orders to the judiciary, establishing how and who to investigate, just that the political power that usually - is history - not accept checks of law relating to its members, preferring self-absolution perpetual. For example, minimizing the serious cancer of reducing systemic corruption (tradition in this regard has been consolidated over the years) to isolate performance di “mariuoli” o “sfigati” di poco conto. E non è un caso che il presidente del Consiglio, presentando baldanzosamente la “sua” riforma, abbia dichiarato con candore che così Mani Pulite non ci sarebbe stata. Che se invece avessimo a che fare anche noi con politici capaci di dimettersi sol perché scoperti a copiare una tesi di laurea, allora potremmo pure discutere sull’opportunità o meno dell’opzione legata alla separazione delle carriere.
Per contro, la concreta realtà del nostro paese (ancora fuori degli standard delle democrazie occidentali per ciò che qui interessa) non ci consente assolutamente un simile lusso. Posto infatti che always - wherever there are forms of separation - the government in one way or another has executive powers on pm, in Italy (in the given situation even now) the system would be suicidal, at least until certain crucial components of the political class will only worry about the their impunity. It would be like entrusting the henhouse to the foxes care! Then if you combine the separation of careers (as provided in the pseudo-reform of the government) with other targeted measures impunity of the powerful, here the circle closes and the games are made.
Thus, the weakening of mandatory prosecution by lists, established by the policy, which distinguish which crimes to pursue and which not - control the activities of the police investigation carried out by the government and not by the prosecutor - the mortification of the CSM in purely bureaucratic roles - the provision of a separate CSM to the prosecutor, would otherwise profit "koine" with the judiciary - the contribution to the Keeper of a power of inspection and report on investigations designed to function as a bridge to the construction of a hierarchical relationship with the office of the prosecutor; - a new framework of accountability of the judiciary which could expose them to wild storms instrumentally, incompatible with the serenity and independence della giurisdizione.
Son tutti interventi che univocamente convergono verso l’obiettivo di riservare al potere politico l’apertura o chiusura del “rubinetto” delle indagini, prevedendo per giunta forme indirette ma efficaci di dissuasione verso i pm che tardino a capire che conviene “baciare le mani” a chi può e conta, piuttosto che servire gli interessi generali. La posta in gioco è la qualità della democrazia. E forse è bene cominciare a rileggere quel passo di Calamadrei in cui sta scritto che “la libertà è come l’aria. Ci si accorge di quanto vale quando comincia a mancare, quando si sente quel senso di asfissia che gli uomini della mia generation have felt for twenty years and I hope you'll never hear of. "
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